Přehled o publikaci

The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s governments have abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process. The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s government has abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process. The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s government has abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process.